Trump’s shrug to China’s cyber theft reflects a power-seeking worldview ASEAN cannot ignore

WHEN asked about China’s cyber theft of American intellectual property and commercial secrets, U.S. President Donald Trump responded with his trademark indifference: “We do it to them too.” The remark, reported by the South China Morning Post on June 30, 2025, came amid revelations that Chinese hackers had once again penetrated U.S. corporate systems to extract sensitive data ranging from defense prototypes to advanced semiconductor designs.

AI Brief

Trump downplays Chinese cyberattacks, viewing espionage as normal state behavior rather than a violation of global norms.
This signals a shift in US policy from rule-based governance to raw competition, unsettling allies and undermining digital trust.
ASEAN must adapt to a new era where US support in cybersecurity depends on strategic interest, not shared values.

For most world leaders, such an admission would amount to political suicide. For Trump, it was just another reminder that he governs through power-seeking realism, not the language of rules or norms. What matters to Trump is who wins—not who plays fair.

This is no minor footnote in the annals of cybersecurity diplomacy. Trump’s casual dismissal of cyber theft—not just as tolerable but as reciprocal—marks a deeper shift in global diplomacy. It signals the return of unfiltered great power competition, where espionage is expected, trust is irrelevant, and bilateralism trumps international law.

When Theft Is Just Strategy

In Trump’s view, Chinese cyber intrusions are not an affront to international norms. They are the predictable conduct of a rising power. His comment, “We do it to them too,” strips away the moral outrage that often accompanies Western reactions to Chinese hacking. Instead, he normalizes it.

This is power-seeking realism distilled: states act not out of respect for rules, but in pursuit of advantage. If one country hacks, the other must hack better. If intellectual property is at stake, the race is not to protect it—but to copy, deploy, and dominate first.

Trump’s attitude is far from new. His first term in office (2017–2021) was characterized by trade wars, tech bans, and a maximum-pressure campaign against China’s telecommunications giant Huawei. Yet even then, he was less interested in moral condemnation than in hard leverage. His aim was never to discipline China—it was to extract better deals. The same logic applies now, only more overtly.

American Corporate Casualties

For U.S. businesses, especially in AI, aerospace, clean tech, and pharmaceuticals, China’s cyber theft has been a persistent threat. According to the FBI and Department of Justice, billions in trade secrets have been siphoned off over the past decade. These intrusions undermine America’s innovation edge and jeopardize the very ecosystem that powers its global competitiveness.

Yet Trump’s shrug suggests that these businesses must fend for themselves in a world where state-backed hacking is simply another cost of doing business. The message is clear: the U.S. government won’t cry foul—it will compete on the same battlefield.

This posture could further chill relations between Washington and Silicon Valley, already uneasy over Trump’s earlier restrictions on H-1B visas and overseas capital controls. But Trump is not campaigning for the affection of tech elites. He is signaling to his political base that he understands the game of power—and plays it ruthlessly.

Fracturing the Alliance System

More troubling for America’s partners and allies is the broader implication: if the U.S. treats cyber theft as an acceptable form of statecraft, then the fragile digital consensus built over the past decade may collapse.

Japan, South Korea, Australia, and Singapore have all coordinated closely with the U.S. to build secure supply chains, tighten intellectual property protections, and push back against authoritarian surveillance systems. Trump’s latest comment exposes a rift. If Washington is itself an actor in covert cyber campaigns, how different is it from the adversaries it warns others about?

In ASEAN, the implications are just as serious. Countries like Malaysia, Indonesia, and Vietnam depend on American and European partnerships for technological upgrading and cybersecurity support. Trump’s approach undermines the credibility of that support. If the U.S. now views espionage as part of the competitive game, how can regional states trust its digital frameworks?

China's Reaction: A Cautious Smirk?

Beijing, too, will read between the lines. Trump’s remark suggests that he is less interested in punishing China for cyber aggression and more interested in negotiating around it. This may embolden Chinese cyber units, who already operate in legal grey zones, to intensify their efforts with even greater confidence. If the U.S. president publicly downplays hacking, why hold back?

But the irony is that Trump’s language, while conciliatory in tone, may serve as a veiled threat. By refusing to make noise, he avoids boxing himself into any retaliatory commitments. This leaves him room to strike back later—economically, technologically, or even militarily—if the timing suits him.

This is Trump’s classic strategy: say little, appear dismissive, then surprise adversaries with decisive action. It’s the same approach he used with North Korea in 2017, when he called Kim Jong-un “Rocket Man” one month, and extended an invitation to a summit the next.

ASEAN Must Learn to Live with Disinterest

For ASEAN and Malaysia in particular, Trump’s remarks are a cautionary tale. The United States under Trump will not protect ASEAN’s digital interests out of normative commitment. It will do so only if doing so advances its own strategic gains.

The illusion of “rules-based” digital governance is fading fast. Trump is not merely indifferent to norms—he sees them as encumbrances. ASEAN states must now ask: can we rely on a U.S. that no longer differentiates between systemic competitors and strategic equals?

Cyber diplomacy in Southeast Asia has long depended on quiet coordination, mutual restraint, and emerging trust. If Trump’s America treats all digital espionage as normal, then this trust may evaporate. ASEAN must strengthen internal norms and enforcement mechanisms, or risk becoming collateral in a wider cyber conflict between giants.

Final Thought: From Norms to Numbers

Donald Trump’s view of the world is not subtle. It is built on a simple principle: might makes right, and those who are shocked by espionage are unfit to lead.

His “we do it to them too” statement is not a slip—it is a doctrine. In the age of cyber warfare, artificial intelligence, and technological espionage, Trump has announced that the gloves are off. He will not apologize, condemn, or conceal.

He will compete. And for those who still believe that global rules can restrain global ambition, Trump’s realism offers a harsh but necessary wake-up call.

Phar Kim Beng is Professor of ASEAN Studies at the International Islamic University Malaysia and a former Head Teaching Fellow at Harvard University.

** The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the position of Astro AWANI.