Turkiye’s strategic dialogue partnership should be given a serious look by ASEAN

Türkiye’s Geography and Strategic Reach

Türkiye’s geography has always been its destiny. Straddling Europe and Asia, it sits astride the Bosporus, the Dardanelles, and the Anatolian plateau—routes that have linked East and West for millennia. From this vantage, Türkiye connects the Mediterranean to the Black Sea, and the Caucasus to the Levant. Few states enjoy such strategic adjacency to three continents and multiple civilizational spheres.

Through Turkish Airlines, which now flies to over 120 countries, Türkiye has built not just air connectivity but soft power—turning Istanbul into a logistical and cultural hub rivalling Dubai and Doha. For ASEAN, whose growth depends on open sea and air lanes, Türkiye’s role as a transit and bridging nation complements ASEAN’s “centrality through connectivity” strategy.

Equally significant is Türkiye’s technological prowess, especially in drone warfare and defence manufacturing. The Bayraktar TB2 and Akinci UAVs have transformed modern conflict by demonstrating that small, affordable, and smart drones can alter the balance of power. From Ukraine to Azerbaijan and Libya, Turkish drones have proven decisive.

Türkiye’s indigenous defence ecosystem—spanning electronics, armour, and aerospace—offers ASEAN a model for strategic autonomy. In Southeast Asia, where several states seek to develop defence industries under the ASEAN Defence Industrial Collaboration Framework, partnering with Türkiye could accelerate technology transfer and capacity building. Malaysia’s collaboration with Turkish Aerospace Industries (TAI) for unmanned aerial systems and armoured vehicles already signals such potential. Indonesia’s defence procurement with Türkiye’s FNSS for medium tanks reinforces this synergy.

Türkiye’s balancing act within NATO underscores its value as a bridge. Despite being a longstanding member of the alliance, Ankara often exercises an independent voice, mediating between Russia and Ukraine and purchasing Russian S-400 missile systems even at the cost of U.S. displeasure. This capacity to navigate multiple poles of power mirrors ASEAN’s own diplomatic style—balancing China, the U.S., and India without permanent alignment.

Ankara’s location “at NATO’s southeastern flank” places it at the doorstep of the European Union. Yet, its engagements stretch eastward through the Organization of Turkic States and southward toward the Middle East and the Gulf. The result is a geopolitical breadth that enables Türkiye to participate in the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, the OSCE, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) as an observer. No other country combines this range of affiliations, giving it the strategic versatility that ASEAN should find instructive.

Türkiye became a Sectoral Dialogue Partner of ASEAN in 2019, nearly a decade after acceding to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Hanoi (2010). While progress since then has been modest, Ankara’s renewed activism suggests the time is ripe for deepening the relationship.

ASEAN’s external partnerships—ranging from the U.S. to the EU, from China to India—are built on the principle of balanced diversification. Türkiye, by virtue of its cross-regional reach, fits naturally into this mosaic. A Strategic Dialogue Partnership with Türkiye could expand ASEAN’s connectivity to Central Asia and the Middle East, linking two regions that are increasingly tied through energy, logistics, and technology corridors.

For Türkiye, closer cooperation with ASEAN would reinforce its “Asia Anew” initiative launched in 2019—a policy designed to diversify Ankara’s economic and diplomatic outreach beyond Europe. Southeast Asia’s booming middle class, digital economy, and energy transition all align with Türkiye’s ambitions to serve as a Eurasian production and innovation hub.

Like ASEAN, Türkiye seeks stability through dialogue rather than coercion. Despite turbulence in its domestic and regional politics, Ankara has consistently emphasized multilateralism, as seen in its diplomacy over Ukraine’s Black Sea Grain Initiative and its mediation efforts in the Caucasus. ASEAN’s own principle of non-interference and consensus governance resonates with Türkiye’s pragmatic balancing of interests across volatile neighbourhoods.

At the same time, both regions face the challenge of reconciling sovereignty with interdependence. Türkiye’s push for regional military drills within the OTS mirrors ASEAN’s attempt to strengthen defence coordination through the ADMM-Plus framework. In both cases, cooperation does not aim at bloc formation but at building confidence, interoperability, and deterrence against instability.

Türkiye’s economy, with a GDP approaching US$1 trillion, anchors the middle-income industrial powers. It is a vital energy corridor for gas pipelines from Azerbaijan and Russia to Europe, a role that ASEAN can learn from as it develops the ASEAN Power Grid and Trans-ASEAN Gas Pipeline. Turkish construction firms rank among the world’s top 10, and its renewable energy capacity rivals several EU states. These capabilities make Ankara an ideal partner for ASEAN’s sustainable infrastructure agenda.

Culturally, Türkiye represents a unique confluence of Islamic and modern republican traditions, much like ASEAN’s coexistence of diverse belief systems and governance models.

This civilizational versatility is an under-appreciated asset for building mutual understanding between Southeast Asia and the Middle East. As Malaysia and Indonesia champion the Global Civilizational Initiative, Türkiye could serve as a bridge, aligning Islamic values with technological progress and global peacebuilding.

For ASEAN to move beyond symbolic engagement, the following steps are clear:

1. Institutionalize annual Türkiye-ASEAN dialogues at the ministerial level, focusing on defence innovation, climate resilience, and digital connectivity.

2. Expand educational and cultural exchanges through scholarships, language centres, and media cooperation, leveraging Turkish Airlines’ extensive network.

3. Promote joint investments in halal food, defence manufacturing, and renewable energy, especially in Malaysia, Indonesia, and Vietnam.

4. Encourage observer participation by Türkiye in select ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meetings (ADMM-Plus) and the East Asia Summit.

Türkiye’s growing presence across Eurasia and its technological edge make it an indispensable interlocutor for ASEAN in a world defined by multipolar competition. Rather than viewing Ankara as distant, ASEAN should recognize it as a partner whose strategic geography, diplomatic agility, and civilizational depth align with many of its own aspirations.

If ASEAN seeks to uphold its centrality, it must build concentric circles of cooperation—with Türkiye as a pivotal bridge linking the Indo-Pacific to the Mediterranean. The time to elevate this relationship from sectoral to strategic is now.

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Phar Kim Beng, PhD, is Professor of ASEAN Studies and Director of the Institute of Internationaliation and ASEAN Studies (IINTAS) at the International Islamic University Malaysia.