Malaysia's future: A Perkasa view

Perkasa president Datuk Ibrahim Ali said it was inappropriate to label PERKASA as a right wing Malay-based NGO, or as a Muslim-dominated radical organization.

"On the contrary, PERKASA is committed to the enhancement of national unity, religious harmony, and fair distribution of national wealth," he said in his speech at the the Malaysia Update Conference at the Australian National University, Canberra, today.

He said the NGO dedicates its struggle to protect the rights and privileges of the Pribumi, as well as the legitimate rights of other Malaysian citizens, as enshrined in the Malaysian Constitution.

Here is his full speech:

1. I am Ibrahim Ali, the President of Pribumi Perkasa Malaysia, a Malaysian NGO popularly known as PERKASA. Previously, I was a Deputy Minister in the Prime Minister's Department, and a Member of Parliament for three terms.

2. It is an honour that I am given the opportunity to address this conference and deliver my speech on MALAYSIA'S FUTURE: A PERKASA VIEW.

3. Before that, please let me say a few words about PERKASA, an issue-centric NGO, established in 2008. Today, PERKASA has almost 700,000 members, comprising professionals; former Members of Parliament and State Assemblies; former elites of the Malaysian Civil Service, the Royal Malaysian Police, and the Malaysian Armed Forces; as well as academicians, entrepreneurs, members of various political parties, and Gen-Y.

4. PERKASA represents the interests of the PRIBUMI, or the Malaysian indigenous people, namely the Orang Asli or the Aborigines, the Malays, and the various ethnic groups of Sabah and Sarawak. Collectively, the Pribumi constitutes 67.4% of the Malaysian population.

5. More specifically, PERKASA represents the Muslim and non-Muslim Pribumi of Malaysia, because all Malays are Muslims, a majority of the Orang Asli are not Muslims, and a majority of the ethnic groups of Sabah and Sarawak are Christians.

6. It is, therefore, inappropriate to label PERKASA as a right wing Malay-based NGO, or as a Muslim-dominated radical organization. On the contrary, PERKASA is committed to the enhancement of national unity, religious harmony, and fair distribution of national wealth.

7. PERKASA dedicates its struggle to protect the rights and privileges of the Pribumi, as well as the legitimate rights of other Malaysian citizens, as enshrined in the Malaysian Constitution.

8. This is the reason why PERKASA abhors politics of constitutional opposition, condemns any move which disrupts Malaysian racial unity, and opposes any action which jeopardizes Malaysian religious harmony.

9. From the academic perspective, PERKASA is a firm defender of Malaysia's IDEA OF THE STATE, with democracy as the national ideology, and the plurality of the Malaysian citizens, as the national identity.

10. PERKASA focuses on this mission, in order to deter the recurrence of the May 13 Tragedy, a racial riot in Malaysia in 1969. PERKASA has also chosen this mission, because as a Malaysian Pribumi organization, it has to play its role in defining Malaysia's national core values, national survival, and national security.

11. So, it is in the context of this mission, that I will answer the first question from the organiser of this conference.What does PERKASA hope to achieve for the Pribumi in the next decade?

12. My answers are very brief. One: PERKASA hopes the constitutional rights and privileges of the Pribumi are not threatened by any racial or religious polarisation.

13. Two: PERKASA wants all Pribumi affirmative policies - formulated in accordance with the Malaysian Social Contract, and based on Article 153 of the Malaysian Constitution - must be retained, preserved, and unchanged.

14. This demand is very pertinent because Article 153 of the Malaysian Federal Constitution is a hallmark decision taken by all races, to promote Malaysia's national unity, and to safeguard Malaysia's national security, in the post-colonial era. Therefore, I purposely mention this hallmark decision, at this conference today, to enlighten all Malaysians and other world community, of its importance and significance to the creation of a harmonious and peaceful Malaysia.

15. Three: PERKASA demands the Malaysian Government to formulate and implement national correction policies, to address existing disparities in the fields of education, property ownership, as well as in business and industry. This demand is aimed at creating a win-win situation for all Malaysians, to accelerate the country's national integration, to further strengthen its national unity, and to continuously reinforce its national security.

16. Now I come to the second question. How does PERKASA view the future of UMNO?

17. My answer on this matter is very blunt. UMNO is currently facing numerous uncertainties. In particular, UMNO may not even survive the next Malaysian general elections, if it is still as what it is today, if the Opposition parties are still not in concensus of their common aspiration and if the Opposition parties still fail to chalenge the BN, on a straight fight basis, in the coming general elections.

18. I said this, because although UMNO had proclaimed itself as a party with a manifest destiny, we have to accept the fact, that UMNO is suffering from an old-age syndrome. Its contemporaries, the Golkar of Indonesia, the Congress Party of India, and the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) of Japan, had all gone.

19. Today, UMNO survives on borrowed time, because the Pribumi, and a section of the non-Pribumi, appreciated its roles in the struggle for independence, and in Malaysis's state-making and nation-building.

20. A majority of the Pribumi support UMNO, because they are still uncertain of their fate and future, should Malaysia be ruled by a new group of political parties.

21. What scares the Pribumi the most, in this context, is the DAP which portrays an image of "anti-Pribumi" due to its Malaysian Malaysia doctrine.

22. The scenario today, however, has changed, because. UMNO's old-age syndrome is getting more acute, due to several domestic and external factors.

23. For example, drop in the world oil prices, is causing a shrink in the Malaysian Government expenditure, and also affecting the Malaysian economy.

24. Controversies about 1MDB; concerning the mysterious RM2.6 billion "donation" to the Malaysian Prime Minister; related to a sum of money, totaling RM42 million, claimed to be from SRC, and being unknowingly deposited into the personal account of the Malaysian Prime Minister; about the GST; about perceived misappropriation of public fund; and about the alleged corruption in high places; have now put UMNO in a very serious denial syndrome.

25. The Najib Administration, with its National Blue Ocean Strategy (NBOS) aimed at transforming Malaysia into a high-income nation, and Malaysia's participation in the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPPA), are now perceived as being counter-productive to the future of the Pribumi.

26. Undoubtedly, it is true, the Najib Administration has pledged to elevate the economy of the Pribumi. But, this is also viewed with sarcasm, and being perceived as an erosion to their future well-being of the Pribumi.

27. These factors are now causing a majority of the Malaysian Pribumi to be at a political crossroad. The situation has become more intense and full of uncertainties, after Malaysia's former Prime Minister, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, who has left UMNO; Tan Sri Muhyiddin Mohd Yassin and Datuk Seri Shafie Afdal who were expelled from the Najib Cabinet, and sacked from UMNO; and after Datuk Seri Mukhriz Mahathir, the former Kedah Menteri Besar, was also expelled from UMNO; have announced the formation of a new political party and have intended to form a political cooperation with the PAKATAN HARAPAN.

28. Hence, this is the main reason why I chose to speak on Malaysia's future: A PERKASA view.

29. Most Pribumi are now at this crossroad position, or more precisely, are caught in this political dilemma, because of their anxiety on what will be the future of Malaysian politics, if UMNO crumbles to the core.

30. They are in such a situation, because they are still uncertain whether the DAP is willing to discard its Malaysian Malaysia struggle, in order to facilitate for the emergence of a new political partnership, aimed at launching a democratic regime change against the BN in the coming General Elections.

31. As such, UMNO must be able to read the current writings on the wall. As far as PERKASA is concerned, it had announced its position about the coming general elections. PERKASA will only support political party which is serious in its struggle to protect the fate and the future of the Pribumi in the post-2020 and in the post-TPPA era.

32. With this remark, I will now answer the last question on how does PERKASA view the current state of Pribumi-Chinese relations?

33. MY ANSWER IS SIMPLE. In this context, PERKASA does not see any problems whatsoever.

34. But, problems may arise if the non-Pribumi fail to understand the naked reality, that the Pribumi are still far behind in all aspects of life, socially, educationally, economically, as well as in the fields of commerce, business, and finance.

35. So, the non-Pribumi of Malaysia must not perceive major affirmative programs and policies for the Pribumi, as discrimination or even as a systemic move to marginalize them as second class citizens. I repeatedly mention this because the well-being of the Pribumi is crucial to Malaysia's prosperity and national security.

36. In conclusion, Malaysia's future is full of uncetortainties, and a majority of the Malaysian Pribumi are now in serious political dilemma.

37. But, the situation might change if the Pribumi are politically decisive in choosing the right approaches to safeguard their fate and future, and consequently move on to achieve a better life, in the post-2020 and post-TPPA era.