France, Malaysia, and the real measures of diplomatic success

We argue that success must be measured not just in terms of economic announcements or signed MOUs, but in the degree to which France, as a European power and a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), is prepared to align itself with the long-term priorities of ASEAN and Malaysia. These include three essential pillars: (1) progress toward an ASEAN–EU Free Trade Agreement, (2) France’s demonstrated commitment to the global rule of law, and (3) Paris’s proactive engagement in meaningful UN reform.

While the recent advancements in Malaysia–France relations are encouraging, the true test of Europe’s seriousness toward Southeast Asia lies in its pursuit of region-wide economic architecture. The EU’s current trade relations with ASEAN remain fragmented. Only two ASEAN countries — Singapore and Vietnam — have ratified free trade agreements with the EU, while negotiations with Malaysia were restarted only in January 2025, more than a decade after being suspended.

On top of that, the EU's recent Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (EU-CBAM) as well as the EU Deforestation Regulation (EUDR), although seeming to push sustainability matters at an international level, in reality will cause rifts between trading nations due to the negative impacts it will have on the local economies. Malaysia's palm oil industries affected by the EUDR as well as several other sectors affected by the EU-CBAM are already deemed as being forward thinking and sustainability has been incorporated into most of their daily operations. Malaysia as a country has also imposed a moratorium on opening new forest lands for palm oil expansion and focuses more on increasing yields in current crop cycles. Yet these unilateral trade mechanisms seem to push the EU and ASEAN further apart in finding a common ground for developing a free trade agreement between both blocks.

If President Macron wishes to leave a legacy in Southeast Asia, he should lead the charge within the EU to accelerate and harmonize trade negotiations with the region. A comprehensive ASEAN–EU Free Trade Agreement would demonstrate Europe’s commitment not just to economic liberalization but also to equitable, inclusive growth. Macron’s endorsement of such a multilateral arrangement during Anwar’s visit — even if implicit — can be a game-changer.

Trade is not just about reducing tariffs; it is about creating systems of trust. For ASEAN, that trust hinges on legal and regulatory harmonization, mutual respect for sovereignty, and safeguards for small and medium enterprises across the region. It also depends on the EU’s political will to treat ASEAN as a regional bloc with a collective identity — not as a set of individual bilateral partners to be cherry-picked for Europe’s own strategic calculus.

In the wake of multiple global conflicts — from Gaza to Ukraine to the Horn of Africa — the international system has become fraught with legal inconsistencies and selective enforcement. In this context, the rule of law must no longer remain a rhetorical flourish but a measurable standard of diplomatic conduct.

France’s advocacy for the rule of law must go beyond Europe’s neighbourhood. It must include respect for international maritime law in the South China Sea, legal recourse for states under unilateral coercive measures, and support for international courts and arbitration bodies. Macron has an opportunity to project France’s global credibility not merely by promoting values but by embedding legal norms into trade agreements, including those with ASEAN countries.

Anwar Ibrahim’s call for “global equity,” including during his address in Paris, aligns naturally with this vision. France should embrace Malaysia’s aspiration to build a more rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific — not through containment, but through credible multilateralism.

Perhaps the most neglected dimension of global governance is the urgent need to reform the United Nations. Both France and Malaysia — albeit from vastly different positions within the system — understand the necessity of recalibrating the post-World War II order to reflect 21st-century realities.

As a permanent member of the Security Council, France holds a special responsibility to lead on this issue. Macron’s administration should openly support proposals to expand the UNSC to include more voices from the Global South, establish clearer rules for the use of veto power, and strengthen the legitimacy of the General Assembly.

Malaysia, through its chairmanship of ASEAN in 2025, has the moral standing and political bandwidth to co-champion these reforms alongside France. This convergence would mark a turning point in global diplomacy — one that moves away from transactional deals and toward structural transformation.

Diplomacy must not be reduced to press conferences and procurement deals. It must shape the architecture of global governance. Macron and Anwar both have intellectual gravitas and political legitimacy. But the world does not lack eloquent leaders; it lacks systems that outlive their rhetoric.

Therefore, the Malaysia–France relationship must mature into a strategic partnership grounded in shared values, not just shared ventures. France’s engagement with ASEAN must be multilateral, legally anchored, and globally responsible. The success of Anwar’s visit to Paris should not be judged by the number of aircraft orders or investment pledges alone, but by whether France begins walking the talk on global trade equity, rule of law, and UN reform.

That would not just be a successful visit. That would be statesmanship.

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